When a survey on attitudes to and use of the Irish language in the Twenty-Six Counties was published in April, it was found that the vast majority of participants held a positive outlook on the native tongue. However, another report published in May shows how far behind the times the politicians of Leinster House are.
The survey, The Irish Language and the Irish People, found that over 93% of those who took part were positive about the language and wanted to see it preserved or revived. In terms of language use, almost half were rated as reasonably competent and one-quarter use the language regularly.
This level of growth was considered disappointing but the survey’s author Fr Micheál Mac Gréil added that, “Never since the time of the Famine was there so many people with a reasonable standard of Irish.”
The survey also found that this positive attitude towards the language was as prevalent among foreign-born participants as it was with those who were Irish-born.
Speaking at the launch of the survey, 26-County Minister for Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs, Éamon Ó Cuív said, “It has been my own experience that in general, migrants who settle here in Ireland are open and positive about the Irish language, and many make the effort to learn Irish, particularly if they have children in school here.”
However, a report published on May 11 by 26-County Coimisinéir Teanga [Language Commissioner] Seán Ó Cuirreáin found that Ó Cuív’s own department was one of several bodies failing the Irish language community and in breach of language legislation as well.
Ó Cuirreáin’s annual report for 2008 found that other departments at fault were the Department of Environment, Heritage and Local Government, Department of Social and Family Affairs, Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Department of Education and Science, and the Department of Transport.
It also found that statutory bodies such as the Heritage Council, the Equality Authority and the Health Service Executive (HSE) were defaulting on their duties.
Ó Cuirreáin’s office received almost 600 complaints last year from Irish speakers unable to avail of state services in their native language. One-third of complaints came from Gaeltacht regions.
It seemed in some cases that government departments were needlessly trying to aggravate Irish speakers. In one instance it was found that the Department of Social and Family Affairs was going out of its way to remove the síneadh fada [accent] from the name of every child that was registered in Irish.
The backward policies continue unabated. The Irish-medium schools body Gaelscoileanna condemned the 26-County Department of Education for refusing to recognise seven new Irish-medium schools due to open in September this year.
In September 2008 26-County Education Minister Batt O’Keeffe began a review process and announced that no new schools would be opened, except in ‘rapidly developing areas’. All seven schools fall within these areas, and yet the Department continues to refuse recognition.
Gaelscoileanna also criticised the Department for maintaining Circular 0044/2007, which was introduced in 2007 by then-minister Mary Hanafin and exists to undermine the total immersion education system that is employed in Irish-medium schools. And this despite recently-published figures that once again show the benefits of the immersion method.
The Irish News reported on May 5 that: “According to [British] government targets, children should reach level four by the end of primary 7. Figures from 2007/08 obtained by The Irish News show that 82 per cent of children in Irish-medium schools achieved level four or five in English compared to 78.8 per cent of children in English-medium schools.
“Separate figures provided by Iontaobhas na Gaelscolaíochta (InaG), the trust fund for the sector, compared performances over a three-year period. They showed that Irish-medium schools outperformed others in each of the three years in both English and Maths.”
In the Six Counties, Irish-medium education remains in a similar ordeal of struggle. Schools such as Gaelscoil Éanna and Coláiste Speirín continue to fight for recognition from the Stormont Department of Education. Meanwhile the entire sector continues to wait on the outcome of the Department’s Review of Irish-Medium Education, on which consultation ended in January.
The Department’s initial proposals caused concern among Irish language educationalists. It recommended that small Irish-medium schools be federated with larger English-medium schools and that units and streams be promoted over free-standing Irish-medium schools. These proposals would result in the undermining of total immersion education in the Six Counties.
With both partitionist states again showing their true colours against a revolutionary educational project that began in the early 1970s with Scoil an tSeachtar Laoch in Ballymun and Scoil Ghaeilge Bhéal Feirste in West Belfast, it once again falls to ordinary people to ensure that such reactionary agendas end in failure and that the Irish language and Irish language communities continue to flourish throughout the country.

The vision of a unified Europe first articulated in the Schuman Declaration of May 9th 1950, to the effect that “the pooling of coal and steel production should immediately provide for the setting up of common foundations for economic development as a first step in the federation of Europe”, is the vision that has guided the European project since its inception. We must be under no illusion that it is the consolidation of political power in a centralized, ‘free market’ based, neo-liberal Europe that the Eurocrat establishment has as its primary objective. All European treaties throughout the last 60 years have been directed at progressing towards the achievement of this objective. Essentially this is what Lisbon 1 was about. It is what Nice 1 and 2 were about. The particulars of the ‘assurances’ or ‘guarantees’ agreed at the EU summit of June 19th notwithstanding, this is what the coming Lisbon 2 is about also.
Most of the ‘assurances’ agreed by EU heads of State at the summit relate to issues (such as conscription, abortion and taxation etc.) that never formed part of the left opposition’s rejection of the Lisbon Treaty. Nowhere in all of the campaigning against Lisbon that éirígí was involved in were these types of issues seriously articulated by the man and woman on the street. They do not reflect the grounds upon which working class people came out comprehensively against the Treaty. The CAEUC, of which éirígí is a member, based its opposition to Lisbon primarily upon the fact that the Treaty would undermine sovereignty, was fundamentally anti-worker, promoted greed over need and increased the militarization of Europe. Many of the 862,415 Irish citizens (over 53 per cent of the 26-county electorate) who voted against the Lisbon Treaty agreed with this analysis and opted to vote against the vision of Europe that was being proposed by those who deigned to tell them what was in their best interests, having already discarded the democratic determination of the peoples of both France and the Netherlands and denied all other European peoples the right to vote one way or the other. This is democracy EU-style.
The scaremongering is to be found in the subtext to all of this, which is as follows: “if we don’t vote yes, what is an already economically disastrous situation, will be compounded and exponentially made worse”. The implication is that accepting Lisbon will help rescue Ireland from the depths of the economic recession it finds itself in. Given the fact that neo-liberal ‘free’ market economics is what caused the global meltdown in the first place and the fact that the same neo-liberal agenda is codified in Lisbon, the proponents of a Yes vote are like quack doctors whose proposed cure for a disease is more disease.





“The Ogoni community’s success in demonstrating Shell’s complicity in torture and murder carried out by a military junta should provide a wake up call to those in Ireland who have chosen to ignore the company’s destructive and increasingly sinister activities in Mayo.
Concerned at falling recruitment rates to its army, air force and navy and spooked by growing disgust at its contemporary wars of conquest, Downing Street has decided on a propaganda stunt of ‘shock and awe’ proportions in the form of an official ‘Armed Forces Day’.
In an Irish context, this is what British Armed Forces Day is all about – attempting to make the unacceptable acceptable.


