From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come

When éirígí was established as a campaigns group in April 2006 it did so as an avowedly socialist republican organisation, founded upon the principles of that champion of revolutionary socialism in Ireland, James Connolly.

The activists who ultimately founded éirígí had first asked themselves two questions: Was the objective of a socialist republic still relevant in today’s world? And if so, was there a need for a new political organisation to fight for the creation of that republic? With the answer to both these questions being a definitive yes, éirígí came into existence.

Back in December of last year, the party reached another significant milestone with the publication of a major ideological policy paper. From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come is not only an important development for éirígí as a political party; it is also an important for the development of socialist republicanism in Ireland.

From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come does not simply reject capitalism in all of its forms; it also sets out éirígí’s vision of an alternative society based upon the public ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange.

Over the course of the last century many Irish republicans have come to the conclusion that an Ireland which remained capitalist post a British withdrawal would not really be free at all. And éirígí is proud to follow in that tradition, to follow in the footsteps of organisations such as the Irish Socialist Republican Party and the Republican Congress and of individuals like Peadar O’Donnell, Liam Mellows, Constance Markiewicz, Frank Ryan and Mairéad Farrell.

However, From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come is not just about éirígí taking its place in Ireland’s revolutionary tradition. It is also about changing the parameters of debate in republican Ireland and beyond. It is about building the theoretical foundations for a powerful movement in Ireland that will be uncompromisingly republican and socialist. A revolutionary republican movement that has class politics at the core of its analysis, a movement that will never again commit the mistakes of militarism, constitutionalism or the pernicious notion that labour ‘must wait’.

The process by which éirígí developed and adopted From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come was itself an example of the type of participative democracy that éirígí wishes to see at the heart of a new socialist Ireland. This process saw an initial draft debated by the entire membership within their respective local Ciorcail (branches). Each individual member was afforded the right to suggest deletions, additions and amendments to the document.

Once the first round of discussion had been completed a second draft of the paper, based upon the feedback received from the membership, was drafted. This second draft was then circulated to the entire membership and again debated within the local Ciorcail. The feedback from this second round of discussions informed the drafting of the third and final draft of From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come.

For the first time a dispersed voting procedure was used which saw members voting at meeting of their local ciorcal on whether to adopt or reject the paper. As with all major strategic and policy issues each member of the party had an equal vote. The result of this vote saw the paper being unanimously adopted.

While the process of developing and adopting From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come took a number of months to complete, it was time well spent. éirígí’s unique decisions-making process, as contained within Bunreacht éirígí, places consensus building at the heart of a process of decision making.

Many Irish republican and socialist organisations are based upon outdated and anti-democratic ‘top-down’ models of decision-making. Such models are inherently unstable, leading to leadership cliques and internal divisions. Organisations which use delegate based organisational models, pressure cooker conferences and artificial deadlines to make decisions are invariably corrupted by leaderships who think they know better than their memberships.

Announcing the public launch of From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come, cathaoirleach éirígí Brian Leeson said: “Ireland today is at a crossroads. We can continue down the path of capitalism and imperialism that has partitioned our country, exploited our population and impoverished our communities or we can strike out for a better future based upon national independence and socialism.

“From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come correctly asserts that the only option that will work for the vast majority of the Irish people is that of independence and socialism.

“There can be no compromise between the exploiter and the exploited. It is a matter of their prosperity or ours – the slave owner and the slave cannot be prosperous together.

“éirígí is under no illusions as to the mammoth scale of the task that has been set out in this document. It is the same task that confronted the men and women of 1916 and it is the same task that confronted the thousands of republicans who fought the struggle over the last 40 years – it is about nothing less than the re-conquest of Ireland by the working people of Ireland.

“We need to start small while thinking big. We need to organise in our communities, in our workplaces, in our places of education, in our homes and on our streets. We need to make the argument with every single person who has no vested interest in the current rotten system that there is a better way and a better destination. There is a system that the working people of Ireland can have a stake in – that system is socialism and the time to start fighting for that system is now.”

To read From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come, click on the image below

 

Remembering the Republic’s Wild Geese

On Friday, July 15, éirígí will host a public meeting in the Teachers Club on Parnell Square, Dublin to mark the 75th anniversary of the start of the Spanish Civil War. Many Irish radicals, socialists and republicans of the 1930s worked hard to aid the Spanish Republic from the attacks of fascists.

Some in Ireland countered the right-wing media, while others travelled to the Spanish state to fight on the frontlines. While Eoin O’Duffy, the capitalist media and the Catholic Church supported oppression and murder, this band of Irish radicals fought as part of the International Brigades to defend democracy.

Before departing for the Spanish state, Frank Ryan made the following statement: “The Irish contingent is a demonstration of revolutionary Ireland’s solidarity with the gallant Spanish workers and peasants in their fight for freedom against fascism.

“It aims to redeem Irish honour besmirched by the intervention of Irish fascism on the side of Spanish fascist rebels. It is to aid the revolutionary movements in Ireland to defeat the fascist menace at home, and finally, and not the least, to establish fraternal bonds of kinship between the Republican democracies of Ireland and Spain.”

Ryan was an activist with a vast amount of experience. He had been active in the IRA in the Tan War, the Civil War and beyond and had played other prominent roles, including as director of organisation of Fianna Éireann and as editor of An Phoblacht. After helping to found the Republican Congress, he continued to lead the way for Irish socialist republicans.

Both the Congress campaign against slum landlords and the mobilisations to counter British imperialist displays on Armistice Day each November saw him physically lead the charge against the enemies of Ireland’s working class.

The unit he led to the Spanish state were no naïve youths either. They were experienced political activists, well aware that, in order to defeat imperialism and fascism, they must be challenged physically.

Speakers on the night will include established authorities on the period Emmet O’Connor [author and lecturer] and Harry Owens [historian]. The talk will be followed by a ska/reggae/punk disco, with full bar at the same venue.

éirígí anti-Windsor Protests, May 17th – Full Report

Tuesday’s [May 17] day of protest against the state visit of Elizabeth Windsor began on O’Connell Street when a group of éirígí activists and supporters staged an impromptu sit-down protest beside the Spire monument. As Windsor left Casement Aerodrome, on the outskirts of the city, the chants of ‘Can you hear us loud and clear? British royals not welcome here!’ and ‘Whose streets? Our streets?’ were echoing off the historic GPO.

As more activists arrived with flags and megaphones the face of the Gardaí said it all. Despite the massive security operation that had been put in place it was clear that the voice of Irish republicanism was going to be loudly heard in the centre of Dublin. By the time Gardaí formed a line to prevent further supporters joining the protest there were already thirty people sitting on the ground, with more arriving by the minute.

Within ten minutes of the action starting there were two groups of protesters in place – one on the otherwise deserted central plaza of Dublin’s main thoroughfare and one hemmed behind the police line at the top of Henry Street. With roughly two hours remaining until Windsor’s scheduled arrival on O’Connell Street scores of Gardaí began to forcibly push protesters back down Henry Street.

When that task was completed another large force of Gardaí prepared to move on the activists sitting beside the Spire. In the face of certain arrest and removal from the streets for the duration of the Garden of Remembrance ceremony, the group of activists made their way en bloc to their comrades at the top of Moore Street.

The professionalism of the Garda was to the fore as the various top brass starting issuing contradictory orders to various sections of their yellow-coated goons. So as some Gardaí tried to arrest the protesters others opened the police line to let them onto Henry Street, and yet more started pushing protesters back down the street!

The chaotic scenes continued for roughly five minutes before the now 150-strong group of éirígí activists and supporters made their way to 16 Moore Street for a wreath-laying ceremony. The protest had lasted over half an hour, during which time hundreds of onlookers and dozens of journalists had witnessed both the dignity of the protesters and the aggression of the Gardaí.

At 16 Moore Street éirígí ‘s Ursula Ní Shionnain gave a brief speech prior to the laying of a wreath in memory of all of those who have died for Irish freedom, which was followed by a minute’s silence. With the ceremony complete the large and very loud protest moved onwards towards the Garda line at the corner of Parnell Square. Once there, the entire crowd sat down on the road where they remained for close to two hours in a remarkable demonstration of dignified and disciplined political protest.

Those who found themselves sitting on Parnell Street were an unusual mix of seasoned political activists, school children, university students, workers, the unemployed and those who call the streets of the north inner city home. For almost two hours they sang rebel songs, chanted anti-royal slogans, blew whistles and banged drums – united in their opposition to Windsor and all that she represents.

Despite the oppressive security operation and the ample provocation of Windsor’s presence in the Garden of Remembrance, the ever-swelling crowd did not walk into the trap that the forces of the state had laid for them. Instead they maintained a dignified and disciplined protest which succeeded in its objective.

Footage of the protest was beamed around the world by Sky News and other multi-national news stations. The message was unmistakable – Windsor is not welcome; Britain out of Ireland. In countless radio, television and print interviews éirígí spokespeople hammered home that same message again and again. And when Windsor finally arrived at the Garden of Remembrance the noise of the protest was deafening as hundreds of voices, whistles, drums and air-horns screamed their unmistakable opposition to the British Empire.

Although Windsor, and the apologists that joined her, may not have seen any protesters they most certainly heard them, a fact confirmed by journalists who were in the Garden and those who could hear the protest as far away as Denmark Street. All in all, it was a most unusual and most successful protest – one that sat in perfect harmony with the anti-royal protests of Connolly and Markievicz one hundred years before hand.

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Illegal Garda Actions Fail to Stop Anti-Royal Protests

Edited May 19th 2011 - Video footage added

éirígí Sligeach activist Gerry Casey has said that the state's anti-democratic and draconian efforts to prevent protests and intimidate protesters against the Windsor visit have failed miserably. He said the blatantly illegal and bully boy tactics used by Gardai exposed once again the fact that they are a political police force who break their own laws at will.

Casey was speaking on the second day of protests in Dublin at the Windsor visit and the presence of up to 30 UDA henchman at a ceremony at Islandbridge today.

Casey said: "The intimidatory and illegal bully boy tactics by Gardai in recent days has exposed the fundamentally anti-democratic nature of this state. Gardai have acted in a deliberate and illegal manner. They have threatened and harassed political activists engaged in leafleting and postering. They have illegally torn down posters and stolen them from activists, despite permission and permits from Dublin City Council to do so."

"As éirígí activists were about to lay a wreath at Kilmainham jail this morning close to Islandbridge to honour the memory of those who fought for Irish freedom, more than a dozen Gardai using notorious public order legislation searched the car of éirígí Dublin City Councillor Louise Minihan and seized political material. Amongst the items seized was a banner that read 'Fund Communities - Not Royal Visits'. The Gardai's reason was that they deemed this banner, which was in the boot of her car, as 'offensive'. They have also removed banners from private residences and seized banners off other éirígí activists including one which read 'Freedom for Fermanagh' which Gardai ridiculously claimed could 'incite hatred'."

"Over the course of the last two days, despite engaging in solely peaceful protests, I and other activists have been manhandled, assaulted and threatened repeatedly by the so-called 'guardians of the peace'. Earlier this morning, as myself and other éirígí activists postered for tonight's rally in Dublin's South West Inner City, we were stopped, searched, threatened and had our posters stolen by two car loads of plainclothes Gardai outside of Council offices. They refused to show ID and refused to state what act we were being stopped and searched under, despite being legally obliged to do so and being repeatedly asked. Even after showing Gardai our permit and even when a council official came out and told Gardai that we did have permission, they persisted in stealing the posters."

Casey added: "I was physically manhandled in that incident. As I took video footage of an éirígí protest at the spire yesterday (Tues May 17) I was assaulted and dragged to the ground by Gardai in a bid to prevent me filming their illegal actions and political policing."

"This illegal behaviour and bully boy tactics against peaceful protests only serves to underline the fundamentally anti-democratic nature of the state. It exposes the lie that there is freedom of assembly, freedom to engage in peaceful protest and freedom to organise political activity within this state. As we have repeatedly seen in Mayo, peaceful protest is only tolerated if the state and the Gardai say so. It will not be tolerated if they believe it threatens the interests of the political and business elite."

Casey concluded: "This week, the Gardai basically tore up their own law book and acted in an organised illegal manner. However, they have failed to stop the protests and once again éirígí will be marching on Dublin Castle this evening from 5.30pm where the wealthy elite will be wined and dined with Windsor at tax-payers expense. As with her visit to the Garden of Remembrance, Windsor and her entourage will leave Dublin Castle in no doubt that she is not welcome here as the chants of 'Can you hear us loud and clear - British royals not welcome here'."

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Sinn Féin called on to re-think Opposition to Anti-Royal Protests

The socialist republican party éirígí have called on Sinn Féin to re-think their publicly stated opposition to protests against the forthcoming visit by the English Monarch Elizabeth Windsor.

Their call comes in the wake of recent comments carried in various national and local media outlets by newly elected Sinn Féin TD for Sligo/North Leitrim, Michael Colreavy, in which he called for “no protests” against the visit.  Deputy First Minister of Britain's puppet parliament at Stormont, Sinn Féin's Martin McGuinness made similar public statements in recent days.

Responding to Deputy Colreavy's remarks éirígí Sligeach activist Gerry Casey said: “The decision by Sinn Féin to publicly call on people not to protest about the upcoming visit by the British Head of State and Commander in Chief of the British army defies all logic."

“The purpose of this visit is an attempt to legitimise and normalise the continued occupation of the six counties by her government and thousands of her troops. It is a further attempt to copper-fasten partition and continue to deny the right of self-determination to the Irish people as a whole.”

Casey added: “This woman and the sectarian institution that she represents is an apologist for illegal military occupations and war crimes carried out by her troops, not just in Ireland but in Iraq and Afghanistan also."

“She believes that she and her family have a god-given right to rule and live a life of luxury funded by the labour of working people whom she considers her ‘subjects’.  Everyone that considers themselves a republican, a socialist and a democrat should, not only be appalled at the prospect of this visit, but should be actively protesting and organising resistance to it.”

 

He continued: “Our position is clear - it is that of James Connolly and of Bobby Sands. Britain has no right to occupy the six counties or any part of Ireland.  Until there is a complete British military and political withdrawal from our country it must be consistently and vociferously challenged. 

“There cannot and will not be any ‘normalisation’ of British – Irish relations. As such, this and future British state visits will be met with vigorous opposition.”

Casey concluded: “I would urge Deputy Colreavy to urgently re-examine the stance he and the leaders of his party have taken; a stance clearly at odds with the views of his own party’s grassroots members in this region.  It is not too late for them to do the right thing and to join the growing opposition and resistance to this visit.”

éirígí Announces Names of Belfast City Council Candidates

éirígí has announced the names of two candidates who will be standing in May’s Six County local government elections.

John McCusker and Pádraic Mac Coitir will both be standing in Belfast; McCusker in the Lower Falls constituency and Mac Coitir in the Upper Falls area.

The socialist republican party took the decision to intervene in the council elections at its Belfast Ard-Fheis on January 23.

Republican ex-prisoner and former blanketman Pádraic Mac Coitir lives in the Lenadoon area of west Belfast and has been involved in socialist republican and community politics since 1970.

He said: “When I first became involved in the republican struggle, the goals of the civil rights movement were making the headlines, including the right to a job and the right to a home. Forty years later, these very basic and very limited demands have still not been achieved.

“This is why there is a need for a party like éirígí to stand in these elections: to reinvigorate the struggle for social and economic justice and the fight against partition and the British occupation.

“I am very proud to have been chosen by the éirígí membership to represent the party and its socialist republican politics and I am looking forward to engaging with as many working class people as possible in west Belfast over the next number of months.”

Thirty-three-year-old Falls Road man John McCusker holds a masters in international politics and has been involved in the republican struggle all his adult life.

He said: “In light of the current economic crisis, it is clear that the old solutions and the old institutions have failed west Belfast miserably. What éirígí is bringing to this election is a platform that stands for active opposition to British government and Stormont cuts, a platform that offers an alternative to discrimination, poverty and partition and a platform that stands for rebuilding strong, vibrant communities.

“I am honoured to represent that platform and the politics of éirígí.”

Announcing their candidature, cathaoirleach éirígí Brian Leeson said: “In line with the decision taken by the party membership at our recent Ard-Fheis, éirígí will be standing candidates in both of the west Belfast local government constituencies.

“John McCusker and Pádraic Mac Coitir are two sterling activists who have devoted decades between them in fighting for the rights of working class people and in pursuance of socialist republican objectives.

“West Belfast has been discriminated against for decades and remains one of the most socially and economically deprived areas in western Europe. This was the case 20 years ago and it remains the case today. The vicious cuts which are being implemented by the British government and its Stormont administration are going to make an already bad situation an awful lot worse.

“éirígí is standing in this election to give the working class people of west Belfast an opportunity to say enough is enough. The fight back against poverty and partition, against inequality and exploitation starts now and there are no two better people to be at the forefront of that fight than John McCusker and Pádraic Mac Coitir.”

Leeson added: “Elections will constitute only part of that fight back. Ultimately, real change in this society will only come about when enough people get politically active in their communities, on the streets and in their workplaces.

“This will be the core message of éirígí’s electoral campaign: Together, working class people have the power to stop and rollback the cuts and, eventually, remove those responsible from power.”

éirígí Ard Fheis takes Place in Belfast Today

éirígí's re-convened Ard Fheis takes place today in Belfast [Sunday January 23].

The annual national conference was set to take place in Belfast on December 4 last but had to be postponed due to the treacherous weather conditions then prevailing across the country.  The Ard Fheis will now go ahead at the same venue, the Cultúrlann McAdam Ó Fiaich cultural centre on Belfast’s Falls Road.

éirígí general secretary Breandán MacCionnaith said: “It was unfortunate but absolutely necessary that we had to postpone the Ard Fheis last month.  However, the format and matters to be discussed on Sunday today will be the same."

“It is significant that éirígí is holding its Ard Fheis in Belfast.  The birth of Irish republicanism was announced in June 1795 on Cave Hill above the city by Wolfe Tone, Henry Joy McCracken, Thomas Russell, Samuel Neilsen and a number of other United Irishmen."

“Today, the struggle against partition and for Irish independence and reunification continues to be a 32-county one.  Equally, the struggle against economic injustice and for socialism in Ireland must also be a 32-county one."

“Our objective is a sovereign, democratic, socialist republic for all of Ireland.  The current crisis within capitalism in the Twenty-Six Counties demonstrates yet again the inherently unjust and anti-working class nature of that failed system throughout Ireland and elsewhere.  Equally, the budget adopted at Stormont at the behest of Westminster demonstrates the subservient, colonial nature of that administration."

“At the Ard Fheis, éirígí will be putting forward our alternative vision for a new independent country with the formal launch of the party’s major policy paper on socialism in Ireland."

“When éirígí was established in 2006, it based its project on building a solid foundation for socialist republicanism in Ireland.  The task ahead of us is to bring others to the view that cosmetic tinkering with the two partitionist, economic, social and political systems in this country cannot bring about meaningful change to the lives of working people."

“We firmly believe that that, by launching this document, many others will see that the basis for equality lies in the establishment of a completely new social, economic and political order throughout Ireland.”

MacCionnaith continued: “éirígí will be also laying out its plans for the time ahead and encouraging all republicans and socialists to get actively involved in a rejuvenated struggle for national independence and socialism.”

From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come

Following months of discussion, éirígí recently adopted its position paper on socialism - From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come. This is a critical development for the rebuilding of socialist republicanism in Ireland.

When éirígí was established as a campaigns group in April 2006 it did so as an avowedly socialist republican organisation, founded upon the principles of that champion of revolutionary socialism in Ireland, James Connolly.

The activists who ultimately founded éirígí had first asked themselves two questions: Was the objective of a socialist republic still relevant in today’s world? And if so, was there a need for a new political organisation to fight for the creation of that republic? With the answer to both these questions being a definitive yes, éirígí came into existence.

Four and a half years later, the party has reached another significant milestone with the publication of a major ideological policy paper. From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come is not only an important development for éirígí as a political party; it is also an important for the development of socialist republicanism in Ireland.

From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come does not simply reject capitalism in all of its forms; it also sets out éirígí’s vision of an alternative society based upon the public ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange.

Over the course of the last century many Irish republicans have come to the conclusion that an Ireland which remained capitalist post a British withdrawal would not really be free at all. And éirígí is proud to follow in that tradition, to follow in the footsteps of organisations such as the Irish Socialist Republican Party and the Republican Congress and of individuals like Peadar O’Donnell, Liam Mellows, Constance Markiewicz, Frank Ryan and Mairéad Farrell.

However, From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come is not just about éirígí taking its place in Ireland’s revolutionary tradition. It is also about changing the parameters of debate in republican Ireland and beyond. It is about building the theoretical foundations for a powerful movement in Ireland that will be uncompromisingly republican and socialist. A revolutionary republican movement that has class politics at the core of its analysis, a movement that will never again commit the mistakes of militarism, constitutionalism or the pernicious notion that labour ‘must wait’.

The process by which éirígí developed and adopted From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come was itself an example of the type of participative democracy that éirígí wishes to see at the heart of a new socialist Ireland. This process saw an initial draft debated by the entire membership within their respective local Ciorcail (branches). Each individual member was afforded the right to suggest deletions, additions and amendments to the document.

Once the first round of discussion had been completed a second draft of the paper, based upon the feedback received from the membership, was drafted. This second draft was then circulated to the entire membership and again debated within the local Ciorcail. The feedback from this second round of discussions informed the drafting of the third and final draft of From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come.

For the first time a dispersed voting procedure was used which saw members voting at meeting of their local ciorcal on whether to adopt or reject the paper. As with all major strategic and policy issues each member of the party had an equal vote. The result of this vote saw the paper being unanimously adopted.

While the process of developing and adopting From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come took a number of months to complete, it was time well spent. éirígí’s unique decisions-making process, as contained within Bunreacht éirígí, places consensus building at the heart of a process of decision making.

Many Irish republican and socialist organisations are based upon outdated and anti-democratic ‘top-down’ models of decision-making. Such models are inherently unstable, leading to leadership cliques and internal divisions. Organisations which use delegate based organisational models, pressure cooker conferences and artificial deadlines to make decisions are invariably corrupted by leaderships who think they know better than their memberships.

Announcing the public launch of From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come, cathaoirleach éirígí Brian Leeson said: “Ireland today is at a crossroads. We can continue down the path of capitalism and imperialism that has partitioned our country, exploited our population and impoverished our communities or we can strike out for a better future based upon national independence and socialism.

“From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come correctly asserts that the only option that will work for the vast majority of the Irish people is that of independence and socialism.

“There can be no compromise between the exploiter and the exploited. It is a matter of their prosperity or ours – the slave owner and the slave cannot be prosperous together.

“éirígí is under no illusions as to the mammoth scale of the task that has been set out in this document. It is the same task that confronted the men and women of 1916 and it is the same task that confronted the thousands of republicans who fought the struggle over the last 40 years – it is about nothing less than the re-conquest of Ireland by the working people of Ireland.

“We need to start small while thinking big. We need to organise in our communities, in our workplaces, in our places of education, in our homes and on our streets. We need to make the argument with every single person who has no vested interest in the current rotten system that there is a better way and a better destination. There is a system that the working people of Ireland can have a stake in – that system is socialism and the time to start fighting for that system is now.”

To read From Socialism Alone Can the Salvation of Ireland Come click here

An Appreciation of Jim Gralton - Leitrim's Unrepentant Communist

On August 13, 1933 Jim Gralton was forced to board a Trans-Atlantic Liner in Cork which was to set sail for the USA.  Jim had been arrested on August 10 at a friends house in Gorvagh, County Leitrim and brought to Ballinamore Barracks where he was detained before been brought to Cork for his deportation.  He had been living on the run since February of that year following the issuing of a deportation order by the courts who ruled that he had to leave Ireland by March 5.  His deportation 77 years ago today makes him the only  native Irishman to be deported from this state.

He was born in Effernagh close to Carrick on Shannon in County Leitrim on April 17 1886.  His education, such as it was, was received in nearby Kiltoghert school.  Like most young people at the time, he left school early, aged just 14.  After working for a number of employers in the local area, fed up with the harsh treatment he and others suffered at their hands, Jim headed for Dublin where he enlisted in the British army.

His rebellious behaviour was not long coming through and he endured punishment of 84 days on "bread and water" for his refusal to shine the leggings and buttons of one of his officers.  He was then posted to India, but refused to go in protest at British policies in Ireland.  For his defiance and protest, Jim was jailed for a year and subsequently deserted the army, going to work for a time in the coal mines of Wales and in Liverpool docks. 

He then got employment as a Ship's stoker and eventually settled in New York where he became a US citizen in 1909.  In the midst of the great wealth in the USA, Jim was appalled at the harsh, slave-like conditions that workers endured, which led him to become a firm believer in supporting the rights of workers and in Socialism.

From the time he arrived in the US, Jim was active in supporting and raising much needed funds for both the Irish Republican struggle and for fellow workers in New York.  He became a member of the US Communist party and became heavily involved in Trade Union activity.  In the wake of the 1916 Rising, and after studying of the writings of James Connolly, Jim became a founding member of the James Connolly Club in New York.

Almost a decade and a half after arriving in the US, Jim decided to return home to Ireland in June 1921, just a month before the truce in the Tan war commenced on the 11th of July.  During the war, the notorious Black and Tans had burnt the local Temperance Hall beside Gowel Church to the ground.  On his return, Jim promised local people he would replace it and set about with his own money and with local support, building a new hall on his fathers land near Effernagh crossroads.

The new hall, which to be called the Pearse-Connolly Hall, was eventually opened on December 31 1921 and became an integral part of the everyday lives of the local community.  Amongst its many uses was the holding in classes of a wide range of subjects including Irish, English, music, dancing, civics and Agricultural science.  This was also a time of many land disputes and the Hall was also used to hold Land courts to settle many of these disputes.  Despite the good work Jim was doing for his community and despite the valuable educational service that was been provided, not everyone was happy.

The Catholic church in particular were extremely unhappy.  They denounced him at every opportunity, at the pulpit during mass and in letters, going as far as to describe him as an extremely dangerous socialist and even an "Anti-Christ".  They accused him of "leading a campaign of Land agitation", of trying to take the youth of the area away from the Catholic Church and of teaching communism to them in his classes.

The Free State forces also were unhappy with his activities, and on May 24 1922, they raided the Hall in a failed attempt to arrest Jim.  The following month, as Civil War loomed, he got out and returned to the US.  He did not return to Ireland until 1932 following the death of his brother Charlie who looked after and ran the family farm and following the securing of power in the 26-counties by Fianna Fáil.   Like many other people at that time, Jim was of the mistaken belief that a Fianna Fáil government would allow for the development of progressive politics in his homeland.

Following his return to Ireland. Jim re-opened the Connolly-Pearse Hall which had been closed for many years while he was in the US.  He also involved himself once again in left-wing agitation, joining the Revolutionary Workers Group (a forerunner of the Communist Party of Ireland CPI).  As well as the hall being used for dances and other social activities, meetings were also held there highlighting issues such as unemployment and the rights of workers and tenants.

Vincent McGrath of the Rossport 5 Addresses Jim Gralton commemoration at site of Connolly - Pearse Hall

He spoke at many anti-eviction meetings and following the eviction of a worker from his home in Keadue, also in County Leitrim, Jim joined with a local IRA group in re-instating the worker and his family back into their family home.  This radicalism and persistent campaigning on such issues was of major concern once again to conservatives in general and to the Catholic Church and Fianna Fáil in particular.

Once again, Jim was denounced as a massive campaign was launched by the clergy against him and the views he represented.  Shamefully, many of his former comrades turned their backs on him, as the church demanded that the hall, which they described as a "den of iniquity" be shut down.

The hall came under physical attack on many occasions.  Shots were fired into it during a dance and  an attempt to blow it up with a bomb failed.  Finally, on Christmas Eve 1932, the Hall was eventually destroyed when it was burned to the ground.

In February of 1933, at the behest of the Catholic Church, the Fianna Fáil government ordered the deportation of Jim from his homeland by March 5 on the spurious grounds of him being an "undesirable alien".  Instead of complying with the order, Jim went on the run, staying with friends and neighbours in the area.  During his time on the run, the Revolutionary Workers Group organised a campaign in support of Jim.  Public meetings were organised and addressed by Jim himself, and by other prominent Republican Socialists  of the time such as George Gilmore and Peadar O'Donnell.  Many of these meetings were attacked and broken up by reactionaries.

Finally on August 10 1933, the Free State caught up with Jim, capturing him at a friends house in Gorvagh.  He was taken to Ballinamore Barracks where he was detained before being transported to Cork where he was put on board a Trans-Atlantic Liner and deported to the US against his will. He was never again allowed to return to Ireland.

Undeterred, upon his arrival back in the US, Jim once again got involved in Trade Unionism and left wing politics.  Along with Gerald O'Reilly, a close colleague of George Gilmore, Jim set up the Irish Workers Group in New York.  He became a Trade Union organiser, encouraging the involvement of women within the Unions, and set about  promoting, republishing and distributing the works of James Connolly.  During the Spanish Civil War, he raised funds for the International Brigades who were going to Spain to fight against Fascism and in defence of the Republic.  

A committed and unrepentant Communist up to his last breath, Jim Gralton died in exile in New York on December 29 1945 and is buried in Woodlawn cemetery in the Bronx area of the City.

Woodlawn Cemetery, The Bronx, New York where Jim Gralton is buried

To conclude fittingly, the final words go to a comrade of Jim's, Charlie Byrne.  Speaking at Jim's Graveside in the Bronx in 2005 to commemorate the 60th anniversary of his death, Charlie said:

"Let all of us who believe in the principles for which Gralton stood, pledge ourselves anew to the continuation of the fight for the complete political, cultural and economic rights of the working classes in all lands, no crying, no weeping over his grave at Woodlawn. There is work to be done, so let us carry on; Gralton would have it that way."
 

Workers Lead the Way in Venezuela

In the latest sign of the increasing radicalism of the Bolivarian Revolution, Venezuela’s National Union of Workers [UNETE] has published a series of policy proposals calling for more workers’ control of industry.

 Among the proposals are:

• Full nationalisation of the banking and finance sectors
• Nationalisation of foreign commerce related to essential foods
• Readjustment of wages and prices to account for the cost of living and production
• Creation of a ministry for workers’ control and social production, directed by workers’ councils
• Introduction of a national maximum wage
• Introduction of an industrial transformation law that will see idle companies and land transferred to workers’ or peasants’ councils
• Demarcation of indigenous lands over the interests of transnational mining companies

UNETE is Venezuela’s primary union federation, having been formed in 2003 after the traditional federation CTV supported coup attempts against socialist president Hugo Chávez. Around 80 per cent of the country’s trade unions are affiliated to UNETE.

Early this month, president Chávez celebrated the first anniversary of the nationalisation of the Bank of Venezuela, which was bought over last year by the state and retained its entire workforce. It has also experienced tremendous growth since then.

Chávez said: “I don’t know if there has been any experience like it before in Venezuela of such growth. That means a lot of things. This throws out all of that information that is emitted from the laboratories of psychological warfare that global capitalism has set up in Venezuela… that manipulate and put fear in the minds of Venezuelans.”

The revolutionary government has also moved in recent months to challenge price speculation that has seen food costs skyrocket. Several supermarket chains have been nationalised and the government has opened its own restaurants.

At the opening of one such restaurant last week, commerce minister Richard Canan said: “The creation of these socialist arepa restaurants allows us to demonstrate to capitalist businesses that it is possible to have a venue where food can be sold at a fair price and not as a commodity, as it is under capitalist concepts.”

The UNETE federation’s national co-ordinators recognise the work that has been done by the Venezuelan government to improve the lives and conditions of the country’s workers and peasants, but argue that this work has been hampered by “bureaucratism, indolence, and corruption of functionaries who act like a fifth column... in the entire structure of a bourgeois state that refuses to die”.

The document produced by UNETE goes to the heart of a struggle that exists within Chávez’s United Socialist Party of Venezuela [PSUV] and within the Bolivarian Revolution itself. It is a struggle between a rank and file who are anxious to see the socialist transformation of Venezuela and a bureaucracy who seem determined to prevent that from happening.

Government leaders are not blind to the problems facing their project and measures have been introduced to remove power from such bureaucrats and place it in the hands of the workers. In May, Chávez swore in the new directors for the 15 industrial companies that make up Venezuelan Corporation of Guayana [CVG], the directors having been elected by the workers before being ratified by the president.

The CVG forms an important part of Plan Socialista Guayana. This plan came into being following the nationalisation of the giant steel plant SIDOR in April 2008. The workers there began to discuss what a socialist company would look like and how it could be run democratically. They set up their own Bolivarian Workers’ University, in which 1,300 of them registered, where weekly classes are given in important technical skills as well as political theory.

Guayana is the largest of Venezuela’s eight administrative regions and is an important industrial centre. Around 80,000 people work in steel, aluminium, iron ore and mining companies, which have all been nationalised. In conjunction with the Ministry of Labour, workers from the CVG came up with Plan Socialista Guayana last year.

Plan Socialista Guayana is a 10-year programme to turn the CVG companies into worker-managed, socialist operations. Under this plan, the companies will greatly reduce the amount of raw materials being exported and workers will focus on supplying local and national projects for the benefit of the people. The introduction of the plan was hindered by management and local government figures until Chávez himself stepped in. That directors for these worker-run companies have now been appointed shows that the Plan is now well under way.

Other avenues have also opened in the attempt to combat the problems of bureaucracy. A prominent example is the community council. These councils were introduced with the intention of promoting the participatory democracy that is central to the Bolivarian Revolution, by having communities come together to address local problems and develop local projects. Over 30,000 community councils have been created all over Venezuela since their introduction in 2006.

This explosion has not been without problems, especially in terms of finance. The Venezuelan government passed an amendment to the community council law in May to clarify and strengthen the role of the councils in society. Councils are elected by assemblies that represent between 150 and 400 families in a particular area, and assemblies need 30 per cent attendance to form a quorum, ensuring a minimum level of community involvement in the affairs of the council.

In both urban and rural areas, numbers of community councils are coming together to form socialist communes. There are currently around 200 socialist communes being built at present, which are effectively creating a parallel, horizontal alternative to existing municipal authorities.

There are many people in Venezuela who are frustrated at the limited progress made over the past decade by their government, which continues to struggle against a hostile native bourgeoisie as well as a dangerous imperialist power to the north and its satellite state in Latin America, Colombia.

However, as long as the workers and peasants of Venezuela keep pushing towards the socialist transformation of society, the dream of the Bolivarian Revolution and of 21st century socialism will remain alive and well.

éirígí welcome TUI & ASTI rejection of Croke Park Pay Deal

Sligo éirígí activist Gerry Casey has welcomed the rejection on Friday (May 21) by both the Teachers Union of Ireland (TUI) and the Association of Secondary Teachers of Ireland (ASTI) of the Croke park deal on pay and reform within the public sector. He also rejected comments by the Taoiseach Brian Cowen in Mayo today that rejecting this anti-worker deal was somehow not good for the country.

Casey said: “The fact that this deal was negotiated and agreed to in the first place by certain Trade Union leaders who claim to represent workers was appalling.”

“It offers public sector workers absolutely nothing. The TUI and the ASTI are to be commended for taking this stance and seeing through the propaganda being espoused by the Dublin government and the so-called Trade Union leadership who have attempted to coerce their members to endorse their sell-out.”

"Employers and the Dublin government are using the current recession as an excuse to drive down workers pay and conditions of employment. This deal is part of that process. It is designed to tie hands of public sector workers in their ability to take industrial action to defend their already rapidly diminishing pay and rights That the leadership of ICTU are colluding in this attack on workers is truly shameful and both they and the deal must now be vigorously resisted by all Trade Unionists and workers, both on the streets and in the workplace."

Reacting to comments by Taoiseach Brian Cowen on Mid west Radio during a visit to Mayo on Friday, Casey said: “It is ironic to see Cowen lecture workers to act 'for the good of the country' and to think of 'the bigger picture' considering the damage that he, first as Finance Minister and more recently as Taoiseach, has done to this country, and particularly to workers and the less well off.”

He added: “Those workers who voted to reject the Croke Park deal are the ones who clearly see the bigger picture and have acted in the national interest and in the interest of all workers. If Cowen wants people to act for the good of the country then he needs to take the first steps.”

He concluded: “ He needs to scrap NAMA, reverse the cuts in income and essential health and education services and nationalise our natural resources. In fact, considering the social and economic vandalism that he and his political and business cronies have caused, if he is serious about people doing what is good for the country, then he and his sidekicks should immediately retire from public life and ride off into permanent obscurity.”

éirígí accuse Labour of 'cowardice' over Croke park pay deal

Sligo éirígí activist Gerry Casey has accused the Labour party of “cowardice” for refusing to take a stand against the Croke Park public sector pay and reform deal. He also challenged local Labour party councillors and representatives to publicly declare their position on this deal.

Casey said: “The Labour party have refused to take any stance on the shameful public sector pay and reform deal agreed between the government and ICTU leadership, despite the negative impact this deal will have on workers. Indeed, one of their TD's Kathleeen Lynch went as far as to tell Newstalk radio (May 7) that it was 'none of their (Labour's) business'.”

He added: “James Connolly and Jim Larkin would be spinning in their graves at the cowardice and lack of action in defence of workers by those who claim to inherit their political legacy. By staying silent they have exposed once again their contempt for the right of working people to resist the savage cutbacks imposed on them by the current leinster House administration.”

“While it is despicable, it is not surprising. Labour have consistently betrayed workers interests, most recently, when Labour leader Eamonn Gilmore publicly sided with the wealthy political and business elite in opposing the planned national strike by workers last March.”

He concluded: “If the rights and living standards of all Irish workers and their families are to be protected then the Croke park deal needs to rejected. I am now challenging the Labour party representatives here in the north-west to publicly declare their position on this deal. Do they believe like their party colleagues that the deal and the negative impact it will have on workers, including their ability to take industrial action, is 'none of Labours business'? They must stop hiding and clarify their position publicly.”

This is Criticial Because This is Class War

The proponents of capitalism never tired of telling us how it is not the state’s role to interfere in the ‘free market’ – that economic competition between private producers and investors is key to economic growth.

They never tired of telling us that incentives, in the form of profits, were essential to convincing ‘bold entrepreneurs’ to take investment ‘risks’. They never tired of telling us that this was the only way to successfully generate rising levels of economic growth and wealth that would, ultimately, it was argued, trickle down and benefit all of society. Nor did they ever tire of telling us that, if these investors happened to make bad investment decisions, then they alone would face the consequences; it was only fair that, in the same way as they were handsomely rewarded for the successful risks they were taking, so too should they suffer the losses when their investments failed. That is some of the logic of capitalism. So the theory went anyway.

On Tuesday [March 30], the Twenty Six County minister of finance Brian Lenihan exploded that particular set of myths with the announcement in Leinster House, that, far from the people being sovereign, they would, in effect, be paying the debts of private banks for decades to come. By his actions, Brian Lenihan has confirmed the contempt in which the political establishment holds the very people who elect them.

The detail of the further bail-out of the banking system is truly staggering in its scale: a total of €21 billion [£18.7 billion] to rescue a failed and corrupt system.

Of this total, €8.3 billion [£7.4 billion] will be pumped into Anglo-Irish Bank, for so long the play-thing of the Twenty-Six County state’s biggest property developers. It doesn’t end there either, as Lenihan announced that a further €10 billion [£8.9 billion] will be required for AIB alone. Prior to Tuesday’s announcement, AIB had already received €4 billion [£3.6 billion] of taxpayers’ money. To put this €21 billion in context, the combined health budget and education budget in the year that the bank guarantee scheme was agreed was €23 billion [£20.4 billion].

The consequences of this decision will be felt for a long, long time; the mass of people face unemployment, reduced public services and chronic levels of debt for generations to come.

The right of the people to quality healthcare, housing and education is being made subordinate to the interest of banks, speculators and developers. Workers pension rights are being sold off so that the fat-cats that bankrolled Fianna Fáil for decades can be saved.

On Tuesday, many of these property developers, almost all of whom regularly attended the Fianna Fáil fundraising tent at the Galway races during the so called boom years, had their loans transferred into NAMA. Among them were Liam Carroll, Bernard McNamara, Seán Mulryan and Johnny Ronan, the playboys of the Celtic Tiger, lauded by the corporate media as the men who were taking the big risks to build a thriving economy. These parasites, facilitated by their political wing in Fianna Fáíl, simply inflated the property bubble, forcing thousands of households to take out 100 per cent mortgages on homes that were incredibly over-valued. These householders are now expected to pick up the tab for this gambling greed.

The consequences of the bank guarantee scheme of September 2008; a scheme that Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, the Green Party and Sinn Féin all supported, is now painfully evident. Secret meetings between senior bankers and Dublin government ministers thrashed out a deal that was foisted upon an unsuspecting public. The loans and deposits of all banks were guaranteed on that September night in 2008 with little detail provided as to the exact state of the banks’ loan books. Any semblance of democracy has been truly torn to shreds and all that is offered is the tired Thatcherite mantra, ‘There is no alternative’.

No alternative, it seems, to bailing out the rich and powerful in Irish society with billions of euro of taxpayers’ money, while workers who actually created the wealth are consigned to the dole queues. With high rates of unemployment, bosses are using the recession to try and force down the pay and working conditions of those still in work. The deal agreed between ICTU negotiators and the Dublin government this week represents yet another shameful sell-out of public sector workers. It is utterly astonishing that union bosses are agreeing to a four year pay freeze and cuts in overtime for public sector workers while tens of billions is being spent bailing out the banks. The privatisation of sections of the public sector will follow unless workers demand that enough is enough.

This system has never been so clearly exposed as the fetter on human development it is as it was after Lenihan’s announcement. War has been declared on workers who are being treated once again as mere cogs in a profit-producing machine. That these egregious amounts of bailout funds can be made available now to rescue the capitalist banking system gives the lie to the notion that there is not enough money in society to take care of the totality of the social needs of people.

It is a lie that this type of society serves the needs of anyone but a small minority. We, the working people, need to take as our starting point in our understanding of this the fact that it is the working class alone who are the creators of wealth and that it is only through exploitation that wealth passes out of their control into that of the capitalist. Most importantly, we need to understand that this bank bailout presents stark and condemning proof, if ever more proof were needed, of the fact that, in this type of society, there is an irresolvable conflict between the interests of the capitalist class and those of the working class.

The task for socialists and republicans now is to find ways of highlighting this reality to the working and unemployed people that are the victims of capitalism. For it is only through effectively agitating and organising among our people that we will have a fighting chance of ever building the forces required for this economic system to be pulled off its hinges and a new, socialist one, built in its stead.

This is a critical task because this is class war.